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Sons of tbe IRevolution, 

NEW YORK. 

ornceRS anp MANAGeRS 

^^ 

IpreslDcnt. 

FREDERICK SAMUEL TALLMADGE, 

165 Broadway, New York. 

Dtce^iPresiOcnt. 

FLOYD CLARKSON, 

39 Broadway, New York. 

Secretary. 

JAMES MORTIMER MONTGOMERY, 

III Wall Street, New York 

Q;rea9urer. 

ARTHUR MELVIN HATCH, 

14 Nassau Street, New York. 



JSoarD of Managers. 

JOHN B. IRELAND, 
•CEORGE CLINTON GENET, 
HENRY WYCKOFF LE ROY, 
JOHN CLARKSON JAY, Jr., M.D., 
REV. BROCKHOLST MORGAN, 
WILLIAM GASTON HAMILTON, 
ASA BIRD GARDINER, LL.D., 
JOHN JACKSON RIKER, 
FRANCIS LATHROP. 
WILLIAM GORDON VER PLANCK, 
!BRADISH JOHNSON, Jr. 



IReglstrar. 

ASA COOLIDGE WARREN. 

239 West 2 1 St Street, New York. 

1bi0torian. 

AUSTIN HUNTINGTON. 

Cbaplatn. 

-REV. DANIEL CONEY WESTON, D.D. 



Gift 

Mrs. Julian James 

1912 



f mc ve^.iti-F-'-^v, ^Ew York, April 7th, 1890. 



(^o tl^e " i^ons of tpe l\evomtion 



For many months your Officers and yourselves have been 
subjected to a fusilade of attacks in the form of letters, anony- 
mous communications and articles in the public prints, some 
of them having a foundation in fact, but all of them mislead- 
ing and many of them untrue. 

In the belief that a reply in any form would but lead to 
controversy and fresh attack, it has been deemed best to 
wholly abstain from any public notice of them or any attempt 
to controvert their statements or aspersions. 

Recent events, and particularly the endorsement by the 
Societies of Pennsylvania, District of Columbia, and New 
York of the policy heretofore adopted, have, in the judg- 
ment of your Officers, made the time ripe for a full state- 
ment to the individual members of the Society of its origin, 
history and claims, and its attitude towards the " Society 
of the Sons of the American Revolution," with the reasons 
therefor. 

We have therefore had printed, and herewith send to you : 
A letter from Mr. John Austin Stevens, the founder of the 
" Sons of the Revolution," recently addressed to your Presi- 
dent, giving succinctly the history of our organization from 
its inception in 1876 to the present day ; an epitome of the 
object and proceedings of the meeting at Masonic Temple on 
the evening of March 8th last, covering the compact then 
entered into with the Pennsylvania Society, the proposition 
then made for a Committee of Conference with the " Society 
of the Sons of the American Revolution," and the action of 
this Society thereon ; supplemented by the speeches of Mr. 



. f\(oZ 



Woodruff and Mr. Tomlinson, there delivered, defining the 
attitude of this Society upon the matters at issue and the 
reason for its action. 

It is hardly necessary to say that this communication is 
in no wise intended as a challenge to any other organization, 
or as a reply to them to any public or private attack upon us, 
or as inviting from them any response or controversy, but is 
simply a private circular addressed to you individually as 
members of the ' ' Society of the Sons of the Revolution " by 
your Officers for your information and enlightenment. 

We also take this means of informing you that the ''Sons 
of the Revolution " of the District of Columbia have joined 
hands with their brothers in Pennsylvania and New York 
by unanimously adopting the compact of union. 

(Signed,) FREDERICK S. TALLMADGE, 

President. 



LETTER OF MR. JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS. 



New York, March 21, 1890. 
F. S. Tallmadge, Esq., 

President of the Society of the 

Sons of the Revolution. 

Dear Sir: With the dawn of the year 1876, after a long 
slumber, public interest was awakened to the memories 
of the Revolutionary struggles for independence — in the 
country at large by the projected Philadelphia Centennial, 
and in the city of New York by the arrangements of the 
New York Historical Society for the field celebration of the 
hundredth anniversary of the Battle of Harlem. Being then 
engaged in these arrangements, and recognizing this feeling, 
I addressed a letter to the Hon. Hamilton Fish, President of 
the General Society of the Cincinnati, requesting informa- 
tion as to the intentions of that organization with regard to 
membership in the future. At one period it will be remem- 
bered the New York branch of that society opened its doors 
to descendants of original founders other than those in the 
direct line of primogeniture, as originally ordered in its con- 
stitution. To this communication the Hon. Mr. Fish replied 
that it was deemed inexpedient to again depart from the 
original rule. 

Thereupon, in the month of January, 1876, a plan of 
organization of a society, under the name of " Sons of the 
Revolution," was drawn up by me, to which some gentle- 
men set their names. Its purpose was dual: First, to revive 
and maintain the American spirit of our forefathers; Second, 
to promote the collection and preservation of historical 
papers of the Revolutionary period. 



6 

The plan of this society provided for the admission of 
any and all male applicants of good standing who could 
show descent from a person in public service — civil, military, 
or naval — of the General or State Governments during the 
period of hostilities. 

Thus the Society was inaugurated, but lack of public 
interest held it dormant for several years. In the progres- 
sion of Centennial anniversaries which ensued, the American 
spirit was gradually aroused, and that sentiment of pride in 
a Revolutionary descent, which was before modestly con- 
cealed, was openly avowed. 

This honorable pride led to the magnificent entertain- 
ment by the State of New York to the French delegation to 
the Yorktown celebration in 1881, and to the extraordinary 
display of public interest and patriotic spirit by this com- 
munity, under the most untoward circumstances, on the 
anniversary of the Evacuation of the City of New York by 
the British in 1783, the final act of the American Revolu- 
tion, This anniversary, which fell on the 25th of November, 
1883, was the last of the Revolutionary commemorations. 

This last remarkable manifestation, as unexpected as it 
was welcome, showed how deeply engraved in the hearts of 
our people were the memories of the Revolution, and advan- 
tage was then taken of the enthusiasm to carry out the long 
cherished plan. 

Among the events of that memorable celebration was 
the dinner at Fraunce's Tavern on the evening of the 4th of 
December, the anniversary of Washington's farewell to his 
officers. Here in the very Long Room where occurred that 
touching historic scene, the plan of the proposed Society 
was submitted, and the gentlemen adjourned to meet on the 
same spot on the following New Year's Eve, when it was 
agreed to, signed, and an organization effected under the 
name of "Sons of the Revolution." 

This is the Society which to-day invites the cordial co- 
operation of all bodies or individuals who, actuated by the 
same spirit, adopt its name, its principles and its insignia. 
It has only words and feelings of good-will for each and 
every Society, of whatever name, which proposes to reach 



the same results by other methods and under other titles ; 
but it protests against the assumption of its name, with or 
without qualifying adjectives, by any body whatsoever. 
This has already been attempted. During the Centennial ex- 
citement of 1889, the anniversary of the inauguration of the 
Government, an attempt was made to undermine the So- 
ciety, by the organization in various States of a general 
society, under the style of "Sons of the America7i Revolu- 
tion." What the precise measure of their success has been 
I am not informed. I have abstained from any comment on 
this extraordinary proceeding ; such is not the purpose of 
this letter, but simply to acquaint you with some facts 
within my own knowledge which answer a few of the mis- 
takes or misrepresentations concerning our Society and its 
polity. 

I am, sir. with great respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

John Austin Stevens. 



Abstract of the Proceedings at a Meeting of the Sons of 
the Revolution, held in the Masonic Temple, 23rd Street 
and Sixth Avenue, New York City, on March Sth, 1890. 

The President stated the object of the meeting as fol- 
lows : 

Gentlemen and Sons of the Revolution: The call of the 
meeting is to consider the question of the adoption of a form 
of compact with the Pennsylvania Society of the Sons of 
the Revolution (applause). I may congratulate myself 
upon the honor which I feel in presiding at a meeting called 
for that purpose. That compact originated with the Sons of 
the Revolution of the District of Columbia. It has been 
accepted by the Sons of the Revolution of the State of 
Pennsylvania. It has been chiefly prepared by Mr. Clifford 
Stanley Sims, the presiding officer of the Cincinnati Society 
of the State of New Jersey (applause). The reason that it 



gives me very great pleasure to preside at the meeting for 
the purpose of adopting that compact is that as Pennsyl- 
vania has been the first Society to ratify it, its President^ 
William Wayne (Applause), has been very enthusiastic 
upon the subject. He is the presiding officer of the Cincin- 
nati Society of the State of Pennsylvania, and his ancestor 
and mine fought shoulder to shoulder at the fight and mas- 
sacre of Peoli in the State of Pennsylvania. The matter 
came up before the Board of Managers of this Society some 
few weeks since. Some other gentlemen were called in to 
give their opinions upon the subject. It was unanimously 
approved. It went back to Pennsylvania, where a Committee 
consisting of Mr. Genet, Mr. Woodruff, Mr. Hiker and my- 
self attended and went over it and approved of it. One 
week since the Pennsylvania Society of the Sons of the Rev- 
olution adopted it but with one dissenting voice. That ques- 
tion comes before you now for ratification. Mr. Genet, the 
Chairman of the Committee, will state to you its object, read 
it, and ask your approval of it. 

Mr. Genet then presented the principal business, in 
brief, as follows : 

Mr. President, Gentlemen: It has happened, gentlemen, 
that in the absence of our friend. Major Gardiner, who was 
Chairman of this Committee, and who I am sorry to say has 
been very ill for a long time, it fell to my lot to become the 
Chairman of this Committee to meet a similar Committee 
from the Society of the Sons of the Revolution of Pennsyl- 
vania in Philadelphia to form some kind of a compact under 
which we could live in happiness, and which would be pleas- 
ing to both societies. Now there are many members of this 
Society who do not know the history of our Constitution, and 
therefore I am authorized by our Committee to make a few 
explanatory remarks of how this Constitution that we have 
formed with the Sons of the Revolution in Philadelphia 
came to be brought about and the necessity for it. I will be 
very brief. 

The Society was inaugurated in 1876 by Mr. John Austin 
Stevens, its first President, who named it the "Society of 



9 

the Sons of the Revolution." It admitted to membership^ 
descendants of all those who had participated in the War of 
the Rev^olution on the side of the Patriots, whether as offi- 
cers, privates or civilians. 

The object of the Society is to recall and celebrate by 
social gatherings upon the anniversaries of great events in 
the history of the country, not only the events themselves 
but the memory of those who achieved them, and to culti- 
vate sentiments of friendship among the descendants of 
those men, which can only lead to love of our country and 
its institutions of freedom and equality. It was not a New 
York Society except so far as its location made it such. Its 
design was a National Society, It received into membership 
residents of any of the States. None were refused when 
they could show descent from any of the Patriots of 1776. 
It had members from all the States adjoining New York. 

It was not long, however, before dissatisfaction seemed to- 
arise among some of its members residing in other States. 
They claimed they had the same right to organize a society 
in their own States that New York had — and so they had, if 
they chose to do so ; but they could not very well carry off 
the origin, the insignia and the accompanying sentiment 
that belonged to our Society, for this had already taken its 
place among events that had happened. 

The Society, as I have said, did not claim to be an exclu- 
sively New York Society. It did claim, however, that there 
was but one Society, in which each member was equal w^ith- 
out regard to residence. This claim was also attacked, not 
only by some of the non-resident members, but by some of 
our own dissatisfied resident members. 

To pacify this faction the Society amended its Constitu- 
tion and gave leave to its non-resident members to form 
themselves into State Societies as auxiliary to this Society.. 
The faction seized upon the word " auxiliary ^^ and claimed 
it to be insulting to those who had or should form State 
Societies. To silence this clamor the Society again con- 
sented to smooth the ruffled plumage of these few malcon- 
tents and substituted the words "co-ordinate and co- 
equal" for "auxiliary." This did not satisfy them; they 



10 

did not want to be co-ordinate or co-equal, they sought to 
crush this Society and to seat themselves upon its prostrate 
body. 

At the time of the Centennial celebration of the adoption 
-^of the Constitution, this Society had increased to upwards 
of four hundred members, and the material of which this 
membership was composed was of such substantial and 
good standing in the community that when a Committee of 
Two Hundred was appointed by the Mayor from among the 
citizens of New York to take the management of that mag- 
nificent celebration, thirty-six of its members were found to 
be members of the Society of the Sons of the Revolution. 
A number of them were again placed upon the most import- 
ant sub-committees and were instrusted with the most re- 
sponsible and laborious duties. The Society itself was given 
the highest place of honor next to the Society of the Cincin- 
nati, and paraded as an escort to the President to their full 
number. 

We had members from Pennsylvania, mostly residing in 
the city of Philadelphia. These have always acted towards 
us with the utmost sincerity, good faith and respect. In 
honoring our Society they have honored themselves. Those 
of our members have formed themselves into a State Society 
of the Sons of the Revolution. They have added largely to 
their numbers and are so strong and so eminent in material, 
that upon any occasion of public national celebration man- 
aged by representative men of that great State and city, 
a large number would certainly be found to be the Sons of 
the Revolution. 

Acting in union and accord with that Society, and ad- 
vised by its wisdom and good sense, and to establish and set 
forth beyond doubt our position towards brothers in other 
States, there has been formed by a Committee from each 
Society, a Constitution which is so wisely worded that any 
;State Society of the Sons of the Revolution can adopt it and 
occupy a position of absolute equality with every other 
State. 

The General Council is to be composed of five delegates 
from each State. This Constitution has already been unan- 



11 

imoiisly adopted by that Society. It does not m any 
way interfere with our own government of our own Society, 
or the internal government of any State Society uniting 
with us. 

I propose now to read the Constitution we have adopted, 
section by section, and submit it to the consideration of you 
gentlemen. It is headed 

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE SOCIETY OF THE 
SONS OF THE REVOLUTION. 

It being evident, from a steady decline of a proper cele- 
bration of the National holidays of the United States of 
America, that popular concern in the events and men of the 
war of the Revolution is gradually declining, and that such 
lack of interest is attributable, not so much to the lapse of 
time and the rapidly increasing flood of immigration from 
foreign countries, as to the neglect, on the part of descend- 
ants of Revolutionary heroes, to perform their duty in keep- 
ing before the public mind the memory of the services of 
their ancestors and of the times in which they lived ; there- 
fore, the Society of the Sons of the Revolution has been in- 
stituted to perpetuate the memory of the men who, in the 
military, naval and civil service of the Colonies and of the 
Continental Congress, by their acts or counsel, achieved the 
Independence of the country, and to further the proper cele- 
bration of the anniversaries of the birthday of Washington, 
and of prominent events connected with the war of the 
Revolution ; to collect and secure for preservation the rolls, 
records and other documents relating to that period ; to in- 
spire the members of the Society with the patriotic spirit of 
their forefathers ; and to promote the feehng of friendship 
among them. 

The General Society shall be divided into State Soci- 
eties, which shall meet annually on the day appointed 
therefor in their respective by-laws, and oftener if found 
expedient ; and at such annual meeting the reasons for the 
institution of the Society shall be considered, and the best 
measures for carrying them into effect adopted. 



13 

The State Societies, at each annual meeting, shall choose, 
"by a majority of the votes present, a president, a vice-pres- 
ident, a secretary, a registrar, a treasurer, a chaplain, and 
such other officers as may by them respectively be deemed 
necessary, together with a board of managers consisting 
of these officers and of nine other members, all of whom 
shall retain their respective positions until their successors 
.are duly chosen. 

Each State Society shall cause to be transmitted annu- 
ally, or oftener, to the other State Societies, a circular let- 
ter calling attention to whatever may be thought worthy 
of observation respecting the welfare of the Society or of 
the general union of the States, and giving information of 
the officers chosen for the year ; and copies of these letters 
shall also be submitted to the General Secretary, to be pre- 
served among the records of the General Society. 

The State Societies shall regulate all matters respecting 
their own affairs, consistent with the general good of the 
Society ; judge of the qualification of their members or of 
those proposed for membership, subject, however, to the 
provisions of this Constitution ; and expel any member 
who. by conduct unbecoming a gentleman or a man of 
honor, or by any opposition to the interests of the com- 
munity in general or of the Society in particular, may 
render himself unworthy to continue in membership. 

In order to form funds that may be respectable, each 
member shall contribute, upon his admission to the Society 
and annually thereafter, such sums as the by-laws of the 
respective State Societies may require ; but any of such 
State Societies may provide for the endowment of mem- 
berships by the payment of proper sums in capitalization, 
which sums shall be properly invested as a permanent fund, 
the income only of which shall be expended. 

The regular meeting of the General Society shall be held 
every three years, and special meetings may be held upon 
the order of the General President or upon the request of 
two of the State Societies ; and such meetings shall consist 
of the General Officers and a representation not exceeding 
five deputies from each State Society, and the necessary 



13 

-expenses of such meeting shall be borne by the State So- 
cieties. 

At the regular meeting, a General President, Vice-Presi- 
dent, Secretary, Assistant Secretary, Treasurer, Assistant 
Treasurer and Chaplain shall be chosen by a majority of 
the votes present, to serve until the next regular general 
meeting, or until their successors are duly chosen. 

At each general meeting the circular letters which have 
been transmitted by the several State Societies shall be 
considered, and all measures taken which shall conduce to 
the general welfare of the Society. 

The General Society shall have power, at any meeting, 
to admit State Societies thereto, and to entertain and de- 
termine all questions affecting the qualifications for mem- 
bership in or the welfare of any State Society, as may, by 
proper memorial, be presented by such State Society for 
consideration. 

Any male person above the age of twenty-one years, of 
good character, and a descendant of one who, as a military, 
naval or marine officer, soldier, sailor or marine, in actual 
service under the authority of any of the thirteen Colonies or 
States or of the Continental Congress, and remaining always 
loyal to such authority; or a descendant of one who signed 
the Declaration of Independence; or of one who, as a member 
of the Continental Congress or of the Congress of any of the 
<Jolonies or States, or as an official appointed by or under the 
-authority of any such legislative bodies, actually assisted in 
the establishment of American Independence by services 
rendered during the war of the Revolution, becoming there- 
by liable to conviction of treason against the govenrment of 
Great Britain, but remaining always loyal to the authority 
of the Colonies or States, shall be eligible to membership in 
ihe Society. 

The secretary of each State Society shall transmit to the 
General Secretary a list of the members thereof, together 
with the names and official designations of those from whom 
such members derive claim to membership; and thereafter 
upon the admission of members in each State Society, the 
secretary thereof shall transmit to the General Secretary 



14 

information respecting such members similiar to that herein 
required. 

The society shall have an insignia, which shall be a 
badge suspended from a ribbon by a ring of gold; the badge 
to be elliptical in form, with escaloped edges, one and one- 
quarter inches in length, and one and one-eighth inches in 
width; the whole surmounted with a gold eagle, with wings 
displayed, inverted; on the obverse side a medallion of gold 
in the centre, elliptical in form, bearing on its face the 
figure of a soldier in Continental uniform, with musket slung; 
beneath, the figures 1775; the medallion surrounded by thir- 
teen raised gold stars of five points each upon a border of 
dark blue enamel. On the reverse side, in the centre, a 
medallion corresponding in form to that on the obverse, and 
also in gold, bearing on its face the Houdon portrait of 
Washington in bas-relief, encircled by the legend, ' ' Sons of 
the Revolution"; beneath, the figures 1883; and upon the re- 
verse of the eagle the number of the badge to be engraved ; 
the medallion to be surrounded by a plain gold border, con- 
forming in dimensions to the obverse ; the ribbon shall be 
dark blue, ribbed and watered, edged with buff, one and one- 
quarter inches wide, and one and one-half inches in dis- 
played length. 

The insignia of the Society shall be worn by the members 
on all occasions when they assemble as such for any stated 
purpose or celebration, and may be worn on any occasion of 
ceremony ; it shall be carried conspicuously on the left 
breast, but members who are or have been officers of the 
Society may wear the insignia suspended from the ribbon 
around the neck. 

The custodian of the insignia shall be the General Secre- 
tary, who shall issue them to members of the Society, under 
such proper rules as may be formulated by the General So- 
ciety, and he shall keep a register of such issues wherein 
each insignia issued may be identified by the number 
thereof. 

The seal of the Society shall be one and seven-eighths 
inches in diameter, and shall consist of the figure of a Min- 
ute-man in Continental uniform, standing on a ladder lead- 



15 

ing to a belfry ; in his left hand he holds a musket and an 
olive branch, whilst his right grasps a bell-rope ; above, the 
cracked Liberty Bell ; issuing therefrom a ribbon bearing 
the motto of the Society, Exegi monumentum cere peren- 
nius ; across the top of the ladder, on a ribbon, the figures 
1776 ; and on the left of the Minute-man, and also on a rib- 
bon, the figures 1883, the year of the formation of the So- 
ciety; the whole encircled by a band three-eighths of one 
inch wide'; thereon at the top thirteen stars of five points 
each ; at the bottom the name of the General Society, or of 
the State Society to which the seal belongs. 

The undersigned representatives from the several State 
Societies of the Sons of the Revolution do hereby express 
their approval of the foregoing Constitution. 

Done at the City of Philadelphia, on the twelfth day of 
February, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
dred and ninety, and of the Independence of the United 
Stales of America the one hundred and fourteenth. 
(Signed) 

Frederick S. Tallmadge, 

President of the Convention. 



George Clinton Genet, "j 

Chairman, Representatives from 
Charles H. Woodruff, ■. the New York Socie- 

JoHN J. Riker, j ty of the Sons of the 

John G. Floyd, | Revolution. 

Alexander R. Thompson, Jr., J 

RiCHD. McCall Cadwalader, ^ 

Chairman, | Representatives from 

J. Edward Carpenter, ■' the Pennsylvania So- 

J. Granville Leach, ( ciety of the Sons of 

Clifford Stanley Sims, | the Revolution. 

Herman Burgin, j 

It was moved and seconded that the Constitution be 
adopted as read. 



IG 

Mr. Henry Hall thereupon offered the following reso- 
lutions : 

Resolved, That a special Committee of eleven be ap- 
pointed, to which the President of this Society shall be 
added as Chairman, of which Committee five members shall 
be known to favor aflEiliation with the Sons of the American 
Ee volution, which Committee shall consider the whole sub- 
ject of affiliation and report a plan of action to an adjourned 
meeting of this Society. 

Resolved, further, That it is the sense of this meeting 
that before final action is taken upon the important subject 
of affiliation, the whole Society should be asked to vote upon 
it, by mail or otherwise, and that the approval of the pro- 
posed plan by a majority of the Society is desirable before 
any action is taken. 

After speeches by Mr. Hall, Gen. King, Mr. Thompson, 
Mr, Short, Mr. Barnard, Gen. Schuyler Hamilton, Col. 
Clarkson, Mr. Crosby, and Mr. Belknap, 

Mr. Charles H. Woodruff addressed the meeting as 
follows : 

Mr. President and Gentlemen : For a long time I felt 
great sympathy with many members, some of whom have 
expressed themselves here this evening, over the unfortu- 
nate fact of the existence in this city and in this country of 
two Societies occupying substantially the same grounds, 
and felt with them the hope that some means might be de- 
vised by which these Societies could be consolidated. In the 
effort to ascertain the truth of the various stories and state- 
ments which were so industriously circulated by the Sons 
of the American Revolution, I interviewed the officers of our 
own Society, and they have kindly put me in possession of 
many facts, which, if known, I think are a complete an- 
swer to much that has been printed against this Society and 
its action in the past. They also inform me why no answer 
had been made to those facts ; it was in the pursuit of a 
policy of silence. As to their wisdom in that regard I have 
nothing to say, but I am satisfied that the time has come 



17 

"when the members of our own Society have a right to know 
what the truth is in regard to the charges that have been 
made against us, and I have been kindly permitted by the 
officers to state what some of those facts are. 

In the first instance I desire to read to you the full cor- 
respondence which has taken place between the Society of 
the Sons of the American Revolution and the Society of the 
Sons of the Revolution, our own Society, garbled portions 
only of which have appeared in the public press. That cor- 
respondence consists of a letter addressed by Judge Doming, 
President of the National Society of the Sons of the Amer- 
ican Revolution, to our President, as President of the New 
York Society of the Sons of the Revolution. I have that 
letter and the answer to it. They are as follows : 

New Haven, Conn., Oct. 8th, 1889. 

My Dear Sir : Your note of the 4th instant was 
duly received, and I regret the delay in replying, but 
my court duties have kept me so busy that I have not 
found a moment until now. 

I have examined the amended copy of your Consti- 
tution, received by mail soine days after I saw you, 
with a great deal of care. In it you provide for 
the organization of societies in other States and the 
granting of charters by the New York Society. This 
is of course upon the proposition that New York has 
the right to grant such charters. 

The only right which can be claimed for New York 
is the right of priority of organization. But Cali- 
fornia was the first State to organize a society of this 
kind, and if the claim of priority was to control, the 
right would belong to that State. 

But is the Society of such a character that any State 
can legally, or equitably, or properly, claim to grant 
charters for another State ? There are no benefits, 
or emoluments, or possible gain to be derived from 
membership in it. It is really a social historical 
society, limiting its membership to a certain class 
of persons, and wherever a sufficient number of this 



18 

class can be found they can organize and become a 
Society. By doing so they do not interfere with the 
rights of any body or person. 

Now, in a number of States certain ^gentlemen, 
quahfied in every respect, have gotten together and 
organized Societies just as New York organized its 
Society, and for the same objects as the New York 
Society had in view. Afterwards, i. e., on the 30th of 
April last, delegates from these Societies met by ap- 
pointment in New York and agreed to organize a 
National Society. 

The. work of the National Society is a missionary 
work — a work of propaganda ; and an indirect benefit 
is the annual meeting which it is intended shall be 
held in the various States, where the delegates from 
the State Societies shall get together and compare 
notes, when there shall be speeches, poems, etc.. all 
of which will tend to stimulate a love of country and 
direct interest in the objects of the State societies. 
No arrangements have been made for the National 
Society to issue charters, but it is intended that the 
National Society shall issue the certificate of mem- 
bership and the badge. 

You will see that the National Society is formed by 
the free action of the State Societies, that it claims na 
authority except delegated authority over the State 
Societies ; that the State Societies have absolute au- 
thority in their State or Territory, and that the 
National Society is mostly ornamental and advisory. 
It is important, however, as being the centre and re- 
cognized head of the State Societies, and as giving 
them a National instead of a State organization. 

In all that has been done care has been taken not 
to offend the New York Society. Being the largest 
Society, the oldest society in the Eastern States, and 
counting among its members gentlemen of national 
reputation, it was and is admitted that New York 
should take the lead in this movement. Not that New 
York should be recognized as the National Society, 
and grant charters, but that her influence should be 



19 

recognized as leading and directing the movement. 
It is not too late now, but if your Society will act 
with us you will at once take the position as leader. 

If you can simply drop out of your Constitution 
articles 6 and 7, your Society will then stand upon a 
level and equal with all other Societies, your delega- 
tion would, without any action, take part in the 
meeting of the National Society, simply by having 
credentials from your Society. I have called a meet- 
ing of the Board of Managers of the Nationl Society 
to meet in New York on the 23d inst., and if a dele- 
gate from your Society could be there, the work of 
reconciliation would be complete. If that can be done 
I shall resign as President, and a new President from 
your Society could be elected at once. 

I enclose you a copy of the Constitution of the Na- 
tional Society. If it is best, the Constitution can be 
amended in conformity to the views of the delegates. 
It was prepared hurriedly and some things should be 
changed. If thought best an article could be added 
providing for charters from the National Society. 

I cannot see how the action I suggest can be detri- 
mental to your Society, or in the least derogatory to 
its interests. On the contrary, I am of the opinion 
that such action would increase the interest of all the 
present Societies, and tend to the establishment of 
new Societies at once. 

The National Society should adopt a Constitution 
for all State Societies, so as to insure uniformity ; 
should provide a certificate of membership for all 
State Societies, and should provide a uniform badge 
for all members of the organization. 

With great respect, I remain. 

Yours truly, 

Lucius P. Deming, 

President National Society Sons of 

American Revolution. 

F. S. Tallmadge, 

President New York Society Sons 

of the Revolution. 



20 

New York, October 11, 1889. 
Hon. Lucius P. Deming. 

My Dear Sir : I thank you for your letter, and for 
the interest you evince in the organization of the So- 
ciety of the Sons of the Revolution. Your letter also 
develops to me for the first time the aims and objects 
of the so-called National Society of the Sons of the 
American Revolution, and I answer it individually 
and not officially. The Society of the Sons of the 
Reovlution has labored very zealously and very patri- 
otically for six years. The Managing Committee has 
held fifty meetings and the Society has met twenty 
times to celebrate various anniversaries, and spent a 
considerable sum of money to build up a National 
reputation and create an interest in Revolutionary 
subjects, and I think it has been very successful. 
The Society numbers nearly five hundred members, 
taken from various and many States, and an amount 
of enthusiasm and patriotic ardor has been developed 
unapproached and unrivalled by any society in the 
country. While the Society was diligently laboring 
to extend its usefulness into the several States, and 
always extending invitations to the meetings to dis- 
tinguished and representative gentlemen from Penn- 
sylvania, New Jersey, Connecticut, Massachusetts, 
Vermont, Ohio, Rhode Island, and the District of Col- 
umbia, many of whom were members of the Society, 
and present and acquiesced in its deliberations, an 
attempt has been made without us to organize similar 
associations under an apparently different name, but 
so closely to resemble ours as to mislead, and your 
good name and that of other gentlemen has been 
drawn into the scheme, which really has for its object 
the building up of rival societies upon our reputation. 

This was not fair or courteous to us. But we had 
been acting the part of host a good while and our 
guests appeared satisfied with our entertainment, and 
if any change was desired do you think it unreason- 
able in us to wish to be consulted, especially as any 



31 

change could always be effected under our Constitu- 
tion ? 

In your letter you first propose that the so-called 
National Society shall be mostly ' ' ornamental and 
advisory," and then you propose to give it power " to 
form a Constitution in the State Societies and to pro- 
vide a certificate of membership and a badge." What 
privileges are left to the State Societies ? I think the 
State Societies should first be formed, and a National 
Society, if one be desirable, spring from them, to be 
created by a convention of delegates from the State 
Societies previously organized ; but the right to form 
the State Societies and the selection of proper repre- 
sentatives to that convention must emanate from some- 
body so as to discriminate as to who are the proper 
parties to form such a Society and so as to limit the 
number of Societies in each State, otherwise you may 
have any number in every State wherever a disappoint- 
ed and tumultuous man became disappointed in the 
proper recognition of his own peculiar virtues. He 
will immediately form a new Society with himself at 
the head of it. Somebody must have the power at the 
start to say who are the proper organizers as to blood, 
pedigree, and, I may add after our recent experience, 
as to decency. As the oldest and largest Society, 
duly incorporated by the laws of the State of New 
York, and after years of experience, hard work, and 
generous treatment of others, I think we should wield 
that power only in the inception of the undertaking. 
Our name, our insignia, and our Constitution are the 
results of deliberations and approval of the several 
States I have mentioned, through their representatives 
duly notified. Take all that away from us and we 
may well invite you all to our funeral at once. 

As Shylock puts it, 

" You take my life 
When you do take the means whereby I live." 

I do not think our members or those in other States 
would consent, and yet that is what the National 



23 

Society proposes to do, or at least, would assume the 
power to do. Besides, there should be the same Con- 
stitution for all the States, and if ours, adopted by 
some of them, is imperfect in any respect, then let it 
be amended in the proper way proposed by the Con- 
stitution itself. 

The Society will be glad to receive amendments, 
and we intend on the second of December to discuss 
them and to adopt a new Constitution, or such amend- 
ments to the old one as may, we hope and trust, be 
acceptable without compromising us who have thus 
far done all the work, and assumed all the responsi- 
bilities. At that time, gentlemen from different States, 
actuated by the spirit of '76, will be invited to be pre- 
sent and consult with us. But our name, our insignia, 
the very banner under which we fight, we claim as 
our own, and that we are entitled to some power or 
privilege to select in the beginning the people who are 
to enlist under our flag, and who are to share honors 
of the conflict 

Please understand exactly what I mean. I fully 
appreciate the benefit of harmonious action so that we 
may be a unit, but our Society may well object after 
six years of hard work to being merged into a National 
Society where their individuality shall be surrendered 
and lost, where their insignia, their ' ' muniments of 
title " be lost, or at least shall be at the mercy of men 
who may not appreciate what they have done. They 
would prefer, I think, to adopt as their motto, the 
request of Mr. Jefi:"erson Davis at the beginning of the 
rebellion, " Let us alone." 

With great respect, 

I am, yours very truly, 

Fkederick S. Tallmadge. 

Now, "gentlemen, I am authorized to say that this is 
the only official communication, and that only semi-official, 
that has ever been addressed to the Society of the Sons of 
the Revolution by the Sons of the American Revolution ; 



23 

the only proposition that has ever been made to us from 
them to unite with them. And on what terms ? That we 
surrender our name, and surrender at the same time the 
right to them to prescribe for us a Constitution, for us a 
badge, and to issue to us certificates of membership. This 
has been reiterated, and is a necessary consequence of the 
subordination of our Society to theirs, existing as it does, 
under a different name and different organization. 

I say, and I say it advisedly, that this is the only 
official communication. It is true Judge Deming addressed 
a letter to our Secretary requesting him or inviting him 
and others to attend a meeting of their Board of Managers. 
It is true that there have been personal interviews, at which 
even the Presidency of the National Society has been sug- 
gested to the President of this Society as an inducement for 
him to surrender us to their arms. But, I repeat, aside from 
the letters that I have read, there has been no invitation or 
offer or request for us to unite with them, no assurance of 
any union with them which should save us our name or our 
insignia, which are so dear to us, and may well be so. In 
the report of the Committee of the Sons of the American 
Revolution, dated November 27th, 1889, which is published 
in the Republic of December 11th, it was said, at the end of 
that report, in commenting upon the failure as they stated 
it to bring about a reconciliation, that the New York Society 
"may retain its name, insignia and seal." It is enough to 
say that no such proposition has ever been made. 

Now, gentlemen, I ask, what is this National Society ? 
Our President has stated, and so well stated in the letter I 
have read, how a National Society should be formed, that 
is, by delegates of existing State Societies meeting in con- 
vention for that purpose. Was such the organization of 
this National Society ? 

I am informed that on the 30th of April, 1889, six years 
after the founding of this Society, and while there were 
also in existence two other Societies of the Sons of the Revo- 
lution in open, avowed brotherhood with us, a few indi- 
viduals, led by one, a member of this Society, but then 
estranged and hostile to us, met at Fraunce's Tavern, and 
as they say, "organized" a National Society. A National 



24 

Society of what ? Of Sons of the Revolution ? No ; a new 
Society, by a new name, and claiming the right to prescribe 
for us and other Societies of the Sons of the Revolution, our 
Constitution and our insignia. And this babe, of at least, 
according to my information, questionable legitimacy, not 
yet a year old, we are asked to call " Father," and wear 
its clothes. 

But we are asked to appoint a Committee of Conference. 
Can we do this consistently with our own self-respect? Can 
we make overtures to them — we, full-grown, six hundred 
strong, make overtures to this stripling, conceived to be a 
thorn in our sides, which has already thrown at our feet the 
gauntlet of defiance, which, m the only proposition ever made 
to us, proposes terms we cannot accept ? I submit, gentle- 
men, that such committee must knock at our doors, and not 
we at theirs. 

But why should we confer? Why ask to join their 
Society ? Is it that there is no room for two societies ? 
Then let them come to us. Our doors are open, our Consti- 
tution is broad enough for any gentleman of good moral 
character, who can show a descent from a revolutionary 
sire, to become a member. But it is said that they have a 
National organization. That is precisely, Mr. President, 
what we have met here to-night to offer them, a truly Na- 
tional organization, formed by existing Societies entering 
into a compact of union. To this we will invite them. 
And in such a Society, and in such a union, and in such a 
union alone, I submit, Mr. President and gentlemen, can we 
be truly co-ordinate and co-equal, and be at peace. 

Mr. John C. Tomlinson then addressed the meeting as 
follows : 

Mr. President and Gentlemen : I am glad of the dis- 
cussion that has taken place to-night, and glad that the 
attitude to be taken by this Society with reference to the 
Society of the Sons of the American Revolution has been 
presented for formal action. With General King, I should 
regret seeing rival organizations bearing our name, or one 
closely resembling it, formed in the different States, but 
hostile, jealous, and unfriendly. And because I should de- 



25 

plore this — differing from him — I feel constrained to oppose 
the resolution. 

This Society is of no sudden or rapid growth. Its posi- 
tion of honor and respect is due to the untiring devotion of 
its officers and managers, to their firm adherence to the 
principles upon which it was founded, and, more than all, 
to the fact that it has never been made to serve any per- 
sonal ambition or used as an implement in furthering any 
ulterior object. Having been true to itself, its name has 
become one of repute and strength, and its insignia an hon- 
orable distinction to its members. For its organizers no 
more gratifying reward of their service could be asked, and 
because of these many gentlemen have sought to be enrolled 
among its members. The laurels we possess we have earned, 
our good repute is our own, and strong should be the reason 
that should lead us to part with or even share them with 
others. A name, a motto, an escutcheon are the symbols 
to which men's affections cling Abolish them and the 
sentiment they typify falls too — and it must be remem- 
bered that this Society has its foundation in sentiment. It 
is the very rock upon which it stands. 

The existence of this so-called rival Society and the sug- 
gestion that is made to-night should excite neither surprise 
nor apprehension. For just in proportion as we possess 
credit and reputation we must expect that many who 
ignored us in our weakness would be but too willing to 
absorb us in our strength. The form this attempt may 
assume is of no moment. When the attempt becomes ap- 
parent the duty of this Society seems clear. It should make 
its fight upon the threshold, and resist the first suggestion 
of its dissolution whether it came in the form of an invita- 
tion or a menace. 

I should not attempt, sir, to detail the history of this So- 
ciety, nor will I speak unkindly of what has been dignified 
by the term of an opposition. But I cannot refrain from 
one word as to the name of our alleged rival. Can any one 
doubt the object of its selection ? Could it have been dic- 
tated by any motive other than a desire to appropriate the 
reputation belonging to us, and which attached to our name? 
The very insertion of the word '' American " shows both the 



26 

guilty intent and the apologetic consciousness of that guilt 
on the part of the gentlemen responsible for it. 

Then we are told, and it is urged as a forcible reason for 
the adoption of the resolution, that it numbers some five 
thousand members acquired within a few months. This 
feverish energy, this startling growth, suggests, and more 
than suggests, that some other motive than the celebration 
of the deeds of the Revolution by the descendants of those 
who participated in it has been at work. 

It is not for me to discuss the causes of this activity. 
Whether they be due to some personal ambition or private 
disappointment is alike immaterial. The welfare of this 
Society is all with which we have to do. As we were formed 
so let us remain, extending our arms to all actuated by the 
same motives as we, and exacting the same qualifications 
for membership. We have claimed and do claim no su- 
premacy over sister States. On the contrary, gladly do we 
offer them our hand in fellowship. But let them be of one 
with us, bearing the same name, honestly acquired, wearing 
the same escutcheon, and loyal to the same colors. Let 
each State have the same Society and all form a harmo- 
nious union. 

But let us stand firm and resent any suggestion of con- 
solidation with or absorption by any Society which first 
seeks to appropriate what is ours, and then, half in threat 
and half in invitation, offers to share what they have thus 
appropriated. If our insignia, our motto, our very name is 
to be lost, let them perish in honor by our death as a Society, 
not be surrendered to a sporadic growth which first mis- 
interprets, then threatens, and finally invites us. 

After a further desultory discussion, on call of the pre- 
vious question, Mr. Hall's resolutions were rejected, receiv- 
ing only sixteen votes in their favor. 

The vote then being taken on the adoption of the com- 
pact, it was carried unanimously. 

The meeting then adjourned. 

By order of the Board of Managers. 

JAMES M. MONTGOMERY, 
^ Secretary. 



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